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Economists have had an enormous impact on trade policy, and they provide a strong rationale for free trade and for removal of trade barriers. Although the objective of a trade agreement is to liberalize trade, the actual provisions are heavily shaped by domestic and international political realities. The world has changed enormously from the time when David Ricardo proposed the law of comparative advantage, and in recent decades economists have modified their theories to account for trade in factors of production, such as capital and labor, the growth of supply chains that today dominate much of world trade, and the success of neomercantilist countries in achieving rapid growth.
Western economic theory has also changed in recent years to account for the fact that world trade has increased so much more rapidly than overall economic growth since the early 1970s. In 1973, the ratio of exports to GDP was 4.9 percent for the United States, and by 2005 this had more than doubled to 10.2 percent. For the world as a whole, this ratio was 10.5 percent in 1973, increasing to 20.5 percent in 2005.
This trend has increased enormously during the past twenty-five years, and now this cross-border trade occurs in virtually all industries. Many products will have parts and materials from many countries; for example, a new suit may have cotton from West Africa that has been processed into fabric in Bangladesh, and sewn into a suit in China, with buttons imported from India. And then the suit may be exported to the United States. Another example is the first Airbus jumbo jet 380, which had parts and components from more than 1,500 suppliers in twenty seven countries. Many companies today have global supply chains, procuring parts and materials worldwide. Each specific part or material in the value chain is sourced from the country that can produce the part most cheaply, whether because of its endowment of factors of production or because of special incentives, such as tax holidays.
Kei-Mu Yi of the World Bank notes that standard economic models account very well for the increase in world trade through the mid-1970s but cannot explain the growth of trade since then. However, a model that accounts for supply chains does explain the growth in trade, and he believes that such vertical specialization accounts for about 30 percent of world trade today.
However, the world economy began to change in the twentieth century, as some products could be produced under conditions of increasing returns to scale. As a company produced more steel, production could be automated and the costs of each additional unit could be significantly reduced. And the same was true for automobiles and a growing number of other more sophisticated products.
By the last twenty-five years of the twentieth century, the global economy was significantly different. Land and labor were still relatively fixed, although capital could again move more freely around the world. However, technology was highly differentiated among countries, with the United States leading in many areas.
In this new world, the economic policies pursued by a nation could create a new comparative advantage. A country could promote education and change its labor force from unskilled to semiskilled or even highly skilled. Or it could provide subsidies for research and development to create new technologies. Or it could take policy actions to force transfer of technology or capital from another country, such as allowing its companies to pirate technology from competitors or imposing a requirement that foreign investors transfer technology.
The success of some countries pursuing a neomercantilist strategy does not refute the law of comparative advantage. In fact, the reason these countries are successful is that they focus on industries where they have or can create a comparative advantage. Thus Japan first focused on industries such as steel and autos, and later on electronics, where a policy of import protection and domestic subsidies could enable their domestic firms to compete in world markets, and particularly the U.S. market.
To succeed in a neomercantilist strategy, of course, a country needs access to other markets, which the progressive liberalization of trade barriers under the GATT/WTO provided. Neomercantilists generally focus on key industries selected by government, a strategy known as industrial policy. A successful industrial policy requires a farsighted government. Japan had an extremely competent group of government officials in the Ministry of Industry and Trade (MITI), which oversaw its industrial policy and was basically immune from political pressures. Although MITI had many successes, it also made some missteps. For example, in their planning to develop a world-class auto industry in the 1950s, MITI officials initially believed they had too many auto companies, and urged Honda to merge with another company. Instead, Honda elected to invest in the United States and went on to become a leading auto producer.
The world has changed since the time of Smith and Ricardo. Today, trade is no longer mostly between small producers and farmers but giant global corporations that buy parts and materials from around the world and sell globally. These giant supply chains were made possible by trade liberalization and technology changes, and they account for the fact that international trade has expanded far more rapidly than global economic growth since 1970. These global supply chains also have implications for strategies for developing countries in promoting economic growth.
The Kannagawa hydroelectric plant is a pumped storage power scheme, currently being constructed by Tokyo Electric Power Co., Ltd (TEPCO). It bestrides the Tonegawa river in Gunma prefecture and Shinanogawa river in Nagano prefecture. With a maximum output of 2800MW, it is to be one of the largest pumped hydro power projects in the world.
Four generator motors with the largest single output in Japan, as well as two transformers, will be placed in the underground power plant. A large cavern 216m long, 33m wide, 52m high, and with cross sectional area of 1400m2 and 220,000m3 excavated volume will be constructed at an approximate depth of 500m. The excavation of the top heading started in October 1998, and excavation of the cavern was completed in October 2000. Electrical equipment including power generators and pump turbines are currently being installed. The inclined shaft of the penstock is 961m long, has a vertical head of 714m, an inclination of 48º and a diameter of 6.6m.
It is, therefore, of no moment that the words "imide," "imidic," and "imino" do not appear anywhere in Ritter's notebook, nor that he never used any such terms until they first appeared in his amended application of 1951 (Tr. 676). As Ritter testified, although he did not name any imino compound, he knew that the reaction shown in the notebook involved an imino compound, and he clearly expressed the imino by structural formula (Tr. 676-77). We agree. Words are unnecessary to express an idea. Symbols, formulas, and equations are the non-verbal language of organic chemists and convey meaning better than words to those skilled in the art. In the modern world of science, symbolic communication rules vast domains of knowledge, experience, and meaning, and we must recognize that reality. That Ritter's formula for his intermediate would convey his idea to skilled chemists is conclusively demonstrated by the fact that defendant's employee, Dr. Bortnick, working independently with the reactions of the same three components and long before any prospect of this litigation, postulated an imino compound using the same formula as Ritter (PX 28, p. 3).
Meyers testified that each of defendant's four processes produces an N-mono hydrocarbon substituted imino bisulfate, which contains no extra hydrogen or oxygen atoms and which is stable and separable ("sitting in a generator. It is isolated." Tr. 812.). He drew their formulas at defendant's Exhibit T.